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[No.11] Philippine 2004 Elections Edition |
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Gloria Arroyo
The President's Daughterby ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO Bulatlat.com Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the first presidential daughter to become a president herself. Her father, the late Diosdado Macapagal Sr., served as Philippine president from 1961 to 1965. She was catapulted to the presidency in January 2001 by a popular uprising against then President Joseph Ejercito Estrada. Her biography in her official website says she descended from the Pampango nobleman Carlos Lakandula. When Estrada followers taunted her with the moniker “Gloria Labandera,” alluding to a ditty about a laundrywoman, she replied that she in fact hailed from a family of laundrywomen and was proud of it. She frequently cites as her political idol her father, who was fond of calling himself "the poor boy from Lubao." She took most of her pre-university education at the Assumption College, where Senators Loren Legarda-Leviste and Tessie Aquino-Oreta also studied. After a two-year stint at Georgetown University, where former United States (U.S.) President Bill Clinton was her classmate, she returned to Assumption and finished commerce with high honors. She earned her masters degree in Economics at the Ateneo de Manila University and doctorate at the University of the Philippines (UP). In an interview with the now defunct Pinoy Times shortly after she became president, Macapagal-Arroyo said she was involved in activism while in graduate school at UP. That was shortly before the declaration of martial law, she said. She recalled that Gary Olivar was then the leader of student activists at UP. After graduate school, she taught economics at the Assumption College, and later at Ateneo and UP. During the Aquino administration, she joined the government service as assistant secretary of the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI). She afterward became executive director of the Garments and Textile Export Board and, later, DTI undersecretary.In 1992, she was elected senator, a feat she would repeat three years later. As senator, she was a leading advocate of the General Agreement of Tarrifs and Trade (GATT), an agreement that has been criticized by progressive quarters for further opening the economy to the inroads of foreign investment without developing local industries. She was elected vice president in 1998. She also served as secretary of the Social Welfare and Development department until her resignation in 2000. As president, she has had to contend with a lot of issues against her. Critics have condemned her seeming willingness to make compromises in the campaign against corruption, as shown by her having expressed, in several instances, readiness to accommodate the demands of the Estrada camp for special treatment.Her refusal to grant a P125 wage increase is a source of constant conflict between her and the progressive labor movement. From 2001 to 2002, the government registered the lowest rate of land redistribution since 1992. Militant groups and their nationalist allies have consistently hit her for continuing the globalist policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and for maintaining a subservient foreign policy, as shown by her ready approval of the Balikatan military exercise and the Mutual Logistics Support Arrangement (MLSA). Human rights groups have seen in her the capacity to match the human rights record of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and cite as proof the many brutal killings of activists under her administration. Having assumed the presidency in a manner beyond the electoral process, the Constitution allows her to compete for another term in 2004. She has declared that she will not run in 2004. However, observers have commented that she may take back this declaration shortly before the elections, especially if her popularity rating should rise again. She is after all, a Macapagal. In his time, Macapagal the father took back his withdrawal from the presidential race after an alleged popular clamor for his candidacy.Next > |
Panfilo Lacson
Ping Lacson: Hate him or respect him
byBy Raul Dancel, Reporter manilatimes.net There seldom has been a middle ground in Panfilo “Ping” Lacson’s life. You either love him or hate him, and he acknowledged as much when, as the country’s top cop, he once declared: “I’d rather be feared than loved. I can’t be both.” Fortunately (or unfortunately) for him, he has gotten his wish. Lacson is now one of the most feared men in the Philippines. In a way, that image has worked wonders for him. Some quarters now regard him as a fearless, no-nonsense anticrime champion who may well fit the presidential prescription the country needs. His detractors, however, are also using the image to paint a picture of a “butcher,” a “prince of darkness,” someone who has little or no regard for civil liberties and who is himself an alleged master criminal. Now in the biggest political gambit of his life, Lacson is trying his best to prove his critics wrong and put a stop to his “demonization.” Track record “I’m banking on my track record as a policeman,” he told editors of The Manila Times. Lacson prides himself on cleaning up the police force during his brief stint as chief of the Philippine National Police, as well as on his record as top enforcer of the now defunct Presidential Anticrime Commission (PACC). “I thought it was impossible to stop ‘kotong’ [mulcting] in the streets, and to discipline the force in a manner that even playing golf during office hours could be stopped,” he said. Back then, he recalled, captains, lieutenants and sergeants ran the PNP’s headquarters in Camp Crame because most of the generals were out playing golf Monday to Friday. “I got an almost 100-percent compliance when I said, ‘Stop making Camp Crame your locker room,’” he said. It was also during his stint as PNP chief, he added, that the men in the frontlines got their just share of the PNP’s resources. “Before I became PNP chief, 40 to 50 percent went to headquarters. In my time it became 15 percent for headquarters and 85 percent for frontline units. Had headquarters got a bigger share, the tendency would have been for the officers to pocket the money,” he said. Lacson said he himself did not use a P40-million discretionary fund he was entitled to. He said he “downloaded” it, and that most of the money went to PNP-Metro Manila chief Edgardo Aglipay. “Awa ng Diyos, siya pa [Aglipay] ’yung unang-una sa Edsa. Ni hindi man lamang nagpaalam sa akin,” he said in jest. Aglipay now heads the PNP’s Manila command, a post he got after the second People Power Revolution that deposed Joseph Estrada. Misses Still, there have been some misses in Lacson’s career, chief among them the Kuratong Baleleng case. In May 1995 the media reported an early-morning encounter on Commonwealth Avenue in Quezon City between suspected members of the Kuratong Baleleng robbery gang and members of the PACC. Eleven members of the gang died in that incident. Days later, reports came out that the suspects were in fact summarily executed in a scheme allegedly hatched by Lacson himself. There have also been tales of Lacson’s supposed stewardship of evil acts. The most damaging have been allegations from a former asset, Mary “Rosebud” Ong, who has linked Lacson to a $750-million narco-economy that she says is now fueling the senator’s presidential campaign. Lacson believes the truth has been skewed about the Kuratong Baleleng incident and the other cases portraying him as a drug lord. “Naunahan na nga sa media na ’yung Kuratong rubout. It has been injected with all sorts of foolishness, that we were not heroes, that we were not anti-crime fighters, that we were also criminals because we took this and that,” he said. On his being a drug lord, he said he at least has some verifiable evidence to show that he’s not one. “I have a copy of the latest order of battle, July 2002. I keep it safe and I guard it with my life because my name isn’t in it. Not a single piece of intelligence or raw intelligence mentions my name.” Reluctant politician For Lacson, life has been one “roller-coaster ride.” The ride, he says, has been wild since he won a seat in the Senate. “I thought that when I won a Senate seat, the attacks would die down. But to my surprise, they became more vicious and more cruel.” “I’m not enjoying life in the Senate,” he said. “Hindi ko gusto ang mga tao doon. Payabangan diyan at pag talikod mo, kung ilang senador ang kasama mo, iyon din ang dami ng saksak sa likod mo.” Although he often describes himself as a “reluctant politician,” he’s right now set on becoming the country’s biggest politician, although he insists it’s not an obsession. “I’m not really obsessed with it. I’ve reached a point in my life where I believe that if I am destined to be there, even if I have to crawl, I’ll eventually get there,” he said. “Now is the time for me, more than any other time. I’m in the public’s consciousness. Personally, this is the best chance I have,” he said. Lacson likes the odds, particularly since the cash-rich Filipino Chinese community is backing him up and the cards are stacked in his favor. In surveys done by Pulse Asia and the Social Weather Stations, Lacson ranks third, along with the popular movie star Fernando Poe Jr., just two notches behind former Education Secretary Raul Roco and the broadcaster-turned-lawmaker Noli de Castro. “I am optimistic. If I didn’t think I’d win, I wouldn’t be running around,” he said. United opposition Lacson has been busy in political circles trying to get all opposition parties to support him, a tall order considering he has yet to mend fences with his former boss, Joseph “Erap” Estrada, and he’s also up against the kingmaker-turned-king-wannabe Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco Jr. “My relationship with Erap, at least when I was PNP chief, was a subordinate-superior relationship. The perception is that I was very close to him, a personal friend. That’s not true,” Lacson said. He admits having been exasperated with Estrada’s insistent support of his long-time friend and fellow actor Poe. “I have told him, ‘You let me grow because every time you speak and refer to FPJ, you stymie my growth. If FPJ doesn’t run, you could end up with no candidate. He told me, ‘That’s right,’ but the next minute, he’s again talking about FPJ,” he said. Next > |
Fernando Poe Jr.
What to expect from FPJ By Tony Lopez manilatimes.net Just what can people expect from President Fernando Poe Jr?. No favoritism, full transparency and no promises, he says. That is what he told me when I met him for the first time for a rather lengthy conversation two weeks ago. FPJ came 30 minutes late for a 3 p.m. interview with me and a meeting with a small group of friends at the suite of a suburban five-star hotel. It’s probably the longest interview so far given a Filipino journalist. Though it was our first meeting ever, we easily got along with each other. FPJ has this intuitive and genuine geniality about him. He lacks the pomposity of a prima donna or a king. He wore a light blue shirt, blue denims, leather belt and designer shoes. He drank his coffee black. Poe leads in surveys. He will garner 36 percent of the vote if elections were held today, according to Mahar Mangahas’ Social Weather Stations January 2004 survey. Incumbent Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is a distant second with 27 percent. Assuming 30 million cast their votes on election day, 36 percent means 10.8 million will vote for him, and 27 percent means 8.1 million will vote for Arroyo. The SWS was based on 1,200 respondents and has an error margin of 3 percent. If you add 3 percent to FPJ’s 36 percent, the actor should get close to 40 percent, about the same percentage enjoyed by his best friend, Joseph Estrada when he won the 1998 presidential elections by a landslide over his rivals. FPJ quit high school in his second year at the University of the East primarily to earn a living for his huge brood after their father died. He is the country’s most successful and richest actor (about 180 movies made). Therefore, he has a track record to be proud of. He has a manageable command of conversational English. He clearly knows what he will do as president: “There will be full transparency,” he assures, “there will be no favoritisms.” He has prepared himself for the worst that his political opponents will throw at him, including a possible assassination attempt. “I have to run,” he says. “I owe it to our people.” That’s intensity. The conversation lasting for about 45 minutes tended to drift to extraneous topics. Here is the best portion: How did you become a presidential candidate? Never in my wildest dreams did I ever think of running for president. Nevertheless, the clamor for me to run went on and on. I have never experienced that kind of clamor before. I thought it would die down. But it just went on and on. So at 11 p.m. of November 25. I told my wife Susan. I decided I should announce my candidacy at 11 the following morning. Many people believe I can make a change, many want to help me. It’s really an inspiring gesture. I cannot turn my back on the people. This is not really for me. It is for the country and the people. I owe them this favor. Did you foresee any problems about your candidacy? There were hesitations and warnings about destruction and demolition strategies of other parties. But I was prepared to face all of these. Many believe I can make a difference. Any other downside in your campaign? Well, I am still anticipating more (worse things). It could be anything. Imagine, they were able to manufacture those archives. That means they can go to the extremes to do anything to me. (He makes a hand gesture cutting across his stomach). The archives are our national integrity. It saddens me that it (messing up with the archives) could be done just like that. It’s a bad sign. It means that they can do anything. They can hatch anything. A new moral ascendancy is needed. How are you going to revive the economy? We are going to address that, mahaba ’yan (the problem is complicated), because it’s a chain reaction. The economy will go (up) when you address the peace and order (problem). It’s a chain reaction. I’ll try to bring back people’s trust in the government. They (my political opponents) seem to forget that particular word—trust. We should bring back trust. If you don’t have trust in a person, then the relationship is finished. It’s like swimming. If there is a lifeguard and you trust him, you go swimming, if there are no lifeguards then you don’t feel confident swimming. It reminds me of my nephew. He has so much faith in me. He’s a small boy. And thinks I am a superman. He believes he will be protected. I cannot fail him. Next > |
Raul Roco
La Vida Roco
by AUBREY SC MAKILAN of Bulatlat.com Son of a farmer and a public school teacher, former Senator and Education Secretary Raul S. Roco was born in Naga City. He finished high school at the age of 14 in Ateneo de Naga. At 18, he graduated magna cum laude at San Beda College, where he later obtained his Law degree as Abbot's Awardee for Over-all Excellence. He was the editor of The Bedan, the college’s student publication and was the one who wrote the lyrics of the San Beda Hymn. Roco took up his Master of Comparative Law as a university fellow at the University of Pennsylvania where he was cross-enrolled at Wharton for Multinational Studies. He was executive producer of Lino Brocka's award-winning movie Tinimbang Ka Ngunit Kulang. Roco was the youngest Bicolano delegate to the Constitutional Convention as well as the youngest president of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP) from 1983-1985. He drafted the Study Now Pay Later Plan when he was still one of the legal staff of Sen. Ninoy Aquino. As representative of Camarines Sur’s second district, the Ford Foundation and the University of the Philippines Institute of Strategic and Development Studies regarded Roco as first in over-all performance among legislators of the Eighth Congress. Roco authored the Women in Nation Building Law, the Nursing Act, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Law, the Anti- Rape Law, and the Child and Family Courts Act. He prioritized women in the DECS literacy program. He was later called the "Honorary Woman." As an oppositionist during the impeachment trial of former President Joseph Estrada, he was awarded the Bantay Katarungan Award for his "exemplary performance.” The trial, which exposed the corrupt and immoral Estrada presidency, ignited the people’s anger and paved the way to the uprising that toppled Estrada and installed President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. A grateful Macapagal-Arroyo immediately gave to Roco the most sought-after department after public works and highway – the Department of Education (DepEd). Under fire In May 2002, DepEd employees protested against Roco for allowing the use of DepEd chauffeur Pablito Aquino, to be the personal driver of his wife. They claimed that under government rules, the use of a DepEd employee by someone not connected with the department is not allowed. Roco said there was nothing wrong at all with his wife's use of his driver, or of his use of private helicopters rented for around P200,000 in two days to visit school building constructions. He added that instead of having a backup and a bodyguard, he preferred to have two drivers. Roco again received much flak after he moved for the second time the schedule of the the “Palarong Pambansa,” a national sports festival, citing the Philippine Sports Commission’s (PSC) failure to release the P36 million budget. Critics called Roco a killjoy and his move a “knee-jerk reaction.” Even as PSC chairman Eric Buhain appealed for reconsideration stating that the cancellation would mean two years without Palaro, Roco stood still with a “No” answer. Meanwhile, it was under also Roco's watch that the Basic Education Curriculum (BEC), known as the “Millennium Curriculum,” was implemented, earning him complaints from educators and students. IBON Foundation, a research institution, criticized the BEC as catering to the needs of transnational corporations for highly skilled and technically proficient workers at the expense of nationalism. Antonio Tinio, president of the Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT), said the DepEd rushed the implementation of the program to catch up with the full implementation of World Trade Organization agreements in 2004. Furthermore, Tinio said that 400,000 teachers nationwide were trained simultaneously for only about a week, doubting if the teachers clearly understood the concept of the program. Even Sen. Tessie Aquino-Oreta, main author of Republic Act No. 9155 or the Governance of Basic Education Act, said that since a number of teachers then were not prepared to teach the new curriculum, the "outcome of learning" among students in public schools nationwide will be sacrificed and eventually suffer. On Aug. 13, Roco resigned after the president endorsed the investigation of corruption charges filed against him by the DepEd Central Office Employees’ Union to the Presidential Anti-Graft Commission (PAGC). He was accused of unethical practices, including the use of public funds to print DepEd posters that displayed his photo prominently. Roco denied any misconduct and complained of being a victim of politics. Many agreed that the posters were being used by Roco to earn personal publicity ahead of the presidential elections. That his resignation was an over-reaction. Or that Roco seized the opportunity to bolt out of the increasingly unpopular Macapagal-Arroyo government and start preparing for the 2004 elections. On the other hand, they also believed that Roco was eased out because he was a potential rival of President Macapagal-Arroyo who at the time was still very much in the running for the 2004 elections. Survey topnotcher There is no denying however the credibility that Roco enjoys, made even higher by the controversies that surrounded his resignation. He is a consistent topnatcher among presidentiables in several surveys. Among the most recent was the Social Weather Station (SWS) national survey conducted on Dec. 7-15 with a national sample of 1,200 respondents. From a list of 10 possible candidates for president, Roco emerged number one with 24%, followed by movie star Fernando Poe Jr., 21%; former media man now senator Noli de Castro, 19%; Macapagal-Arroyo, 13%; former police chief and now senator Panfilo Lacson, 6%; former broadcaster and now senator Loren Legarda-Leviste, 4%; opposition leader Edgardo Angara, 3%; Senators Franklin Drilon and Aquilino Pimentel, 2% each; and Vice President Teofisto Guingona, 1%. In Pulse Asia’s nationwide survey among 2,400 respondents, conducted from Nov. 6- 22, Roco got 19% of the vote, Poe 17%, de Castro 16%, and Macapagal-Arroyo 12%. Meanwhile, a recent online poll conducted by the Filipino Computer Club (FCC) in Dubai revealed that Filipinos in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have also chosen Roco. He, who was recently rumored to have fallen ill due to cancer, received an overwhelming 46% of the votes. He was followed by the president and FPJ with 22% and 13 % respectively. The president of his own party, Aksyon Demokratiko, Roco already ran for president in 1998 and finished third behind Joseph Estrada and House Speaker Jose de Venecia. It was in fact an impressive performance considering his limited party machinery. Despite the survey results, Roco still needs to make himself more appealing to the lower classes, where, needless to say, a huge chunk of the votes come from. His intellectual and hardworking image may be a success with the middle and upper classes but their votes could be easily wiped out by the overwhelming popularity of Fernando Poe Jr., even by a rival who has Noli de Castro as running mate. His trademark campaign attire – colorful Hawaiian polo shirts – will certainly be not enough to get him to Malacañang. Next >
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Eddie Villanueva
Why I am supporting BRO. EDDIE VILLANUEVAExcerpt from a Speech by Cielito F. Habito, Former NEDA Secretary (1992-1998) Manila Intercontinental Hotel, Makati City 1 March 2004 SOME of my friends reacted with disbelief when they first saw me on TV expressing support for the presidential bid of Brother Eddie Villanueva during the launching of the Bangon Pilipinas National Renewed Movement, the now accredited political party under which he is running. A couple of those friends didn’t have any qualm in telling me how foolish I was for doing so. One prominent businessman told me pointblank that it would be useless supporting a candidate who cannot win. But what gives me hope for this country is that a much greater number of those who have told me they saw me on TV endorsing Brother Eddie actually expressed approval and outright elation. Those first-hand encounters with various people gives me enough reason to believe that Brother Eddie’s run for the presidency of the Republic of the Philippines is not as quixotic an undertaking as no doubt many people still think it is. I am helping Brother Eddie because just like all of you, I see the desperate need for fundamental change in our society, in our politics and governance, and in ourselves. And I say desperate need because I believe that unless this change happens now, in this particular election, this country will be headed for total disaster. It really boils down to a simple conviction on my part: that Eddie Villanueva is the only one among the presidential aspirants who will and who can bring about the fundamental change that our country and our people are crying out for. It makes my stomach turn to see other candidates profess change—even shouting our own battlecry of “pagbabago!” with seeming fervor—and yet are surrounded by the same old, tired characters who for so long have either resisted change, or at least failed to effect it, although they’ve had many years of opportunity while in positions of power. Of the five serious candidates, Brother Eddie has the most unique background and motivation for seeking the highest office of the land. I am personally aware of the circumstances under which he eventually decided to join this political contest—weeks of agonizing to reach a decision and trying to come up with all sorts of reasons why he shouldn’t do it. The experience he went through is not strange to me, as those who know me more intimately would know. But I say this simply to assert how the man clearly has no personal agenda in his quest to become the Servant Leader of this nation; indeed, no one can suspect him of having one. Up close, I can see the pureness of his heart, the sincerity in his intentions, and his willingness to sacrifice his own personal comfort in favor of the common good of the Filipino nation. And this is perhaps the first unique thing about this presidential candidate and is among his greatest strengths. His motivation, clearly, is to heed the call to become the instrument for fundamental change, a change that only an unimpeachably righteous leadership inspired by an abiding faith in God can provide. Eddie Villanueva, in spite of his primary occupation for the last 25 years or maybe because of it, is no stranger to the country’s pressing and persistent needs in pursuing our country’s social, economic, ecological, cultural, political and spiritual welfare. His rich background and experience, whether in his academic involvement in the struggle against the various ills of our society, eminently qualifies him for the responsibility. We have for the other choices an economist and an educator; we have in Brother Eddie an economist, an educator, a social activist and a proven spiritual leader all rolled into one, and crowned with the purest of intentions. It is not for me to detail his personal and professional qualifications here. I will just invite you to visit two websites: (1) the Bangon Pilipinas website at www. bangonpilipinas.org where you will find everything you need to know about Eddie Villanueva, the Bangon Pilipinas platform, and much more; and (2) the Inquirer-GMA 7 website, specifically the link to the presidential platforms, where you will see that Brother Eddie has the most substantive and coherent agenda among them all. I see no better gauge of this man’s capabilities for leadership than how he presided over the phenomenal grown of the JIL Church from just 15 Spirit-driven people in 1978 to the millions of highly motivated members the church now counts all over the country and 33 other countries across the seas. But much more than the growth that he personally presided over, it is the quality of leadership he has provided to his flock that gives me every confidence that he is capable of leading the entire nation into greatness. Through 25 years, he has clearly remained a true and humble servant leader, steadfast against the temptations of power and riches, both of which have been at his easy disposal all these years. But to this date, he and his family continue to lead by example, living simple lives in a humble abode and without the trappings of luxury and power that others with the same opportunities at his reach would take for granted. On a personal note, I have known Brother Eddie since early in my government days; God somehow made our paths cross at a time he was providing valuable spiritual support and guidance to the national leadership. I am, by the way, a Catholic. But I share the same spiritual convictions and I need not tell you that in our years of association, I am personally convinced of his sincerity and capability. Some of you may ask, what good can he do running alone, without a running mate or a senatorial slate. But may I digress and candidly say that he did try to convince me to run in his slate along with a few other worthy individuals. I had politely told him then, as I am still telling him now, that I have served my time and am no longer interested in returning to government. But I would certainly help him and his candidacy in whatever way I can. And that is why I am spending my time giving my best. I should say that while I am his economic adviser, he hardly needs the advise as he is himself an economist and businessman. So is he any good without his own vice-presidential running mate or senators backing him up? I shall answer this question on the basis of my own personal experience with the unique and infectious leadership of my former boss, President Ramos. I was witness to how President Ramos, despite having a weak mandate as plurality president, made a difference in bringing about strong and effective unity, solidarity and teamwork within a government of such diverse political persuasions. I believe my former colleagues in the Ramos Cabinet will bear me out on this. It takes just one person at the top with the right qualities to provide the right example to effectively bring about unity from diversity. And because Eddie Villanueva does not have the political baggage of direct affiliation with any of the polarized forces in our chaotic politics, having been above the fray all these years, he is the only one among the five candidates who can effectively provide the unifying leadership that our government and our country desperately need at this time. The last kind of leader we need is one who will foment and fuel divisions within our society, especially by pitting the poor against the rich. The leader we need is one who will be able to touch the hearts of the rich and bring out their spirit of caring and sharing and to become one with the poor in bringing this country up on its feet again. That man, I submit, is Brother Eddie Villanueva. Contrary to what many of us often are tempted to think, all hope is not lost for our country. There is inherent good in our people and in all of us, no doubt, and I believe that a man with the credentials, the rich experience and the moral righteousness of Brother Eddie Villanueva will bring out the best in all of us. That, after all, is what true leadership is about—bringing out the best in people. It may sound as though we are after a miracle. But I have been a personal witness to countless miracles enough to believe that God can, and will, make a way for a Villanueva presidency. Indeed, we are already seeing God’s hand working and his miracle unfolding as the campaign draws on. We have all been a part of a national miracle before, at EDSA in 1986. I invite you to be part of another that promises to change our nation forever. Mr. Habito was socioeconomic planning secretary in the Ramos administration. Next > |